New Pentagon-Google Partnership Suggests AI Will Soon Be Used to Diagnose Covid-19 Sept. 17, 2020 The Merging of the Pentagon, the CIA, and Silicon Valley Google recently teamed up with the Pentagon as part of the new, AI-driven “Predictive Health” program. Though only focused on “predictive cancer diagnoses” for now, Google and the military have apparent plans to expand the AI model for automating and predicting Covid-19 diagnoses. At the beginning of September, Google Cloud announced that it had won a project from the Pentagon’s relatively new Defense Innovation Unit (DIU) to “prototype an AI-enabled digital pathology solution at select DoD [Department of Defense] facilities.” This prototype, per a Google Cloud press release, combines “augmented reality telescopes” with “AI-enabled” cancer detection tools that will allegedly improve the accuracy of “predictive cancer diagnoses.” It is the second DIU contract Google has won this year, with the first being related to combatting “cyber threats.” The initial implementation of this Pentagon-funded, Google-created “digital pathology solution” will take place “at select Defense Health Agency (DHA) treatment facilities and Veterans Affairs hospitals in the United States,” and the program includes “future plans to expand across the broader U.S. Military Health System,” according to Google. The initiative is part of a larger DIU-led program called “Predictive Health” that is also partnered with the joint AI effort of the US military and US intelligence community, the Joint Artificial Intelligence Center, and JAIC’s “Warfighter Health” initiative. The JAIC, which is currently led by a former Silicon Valley executive, is providing much of the funding for Predictive Health, while its related “Warfighter Health” initiative more broadly seeks “to field AI solutions that are aimed at transforming military health care.” In addition to its stated goal of improving the accuracy of cancer diagnoses, the implementation of this Google-DIU AI-driven medical diagnosis tool aims to show “frontline health practitioners” that such tools “can improve the lives” of US troops, according to Google executives. As Mike Daniels, vice president of Global Public Sector at Google Cloud, noted in a statement, Google is “partnering with DIU to provide our machine learning and artificial intelligence technology to help frontline healthcare practitioners learn about capabilities that can improve the lives of our military men and women and their families.” Google also stated that the use of their tool at military health facilities would also “lower overall healthcare costs.” The Google-DIU effort to outsource human doctor decision-making to a tailor-made artificial intelligence algorithm is, for now, only focused on the diagnosis of cancers. However, last Thursday, less than two weeks after winning the DIU contract, Google announced that it was donating $8.5 million to several organizations to advance the development and use of AI “for monitoring and forecasting” Covid-19. That money is part of a larger $100 million donation from Google for financing “solutions” to Covid-19 that was announced in May. Further evidence that Google soon plans to offer AI-driven “predictive diagnoses” for Covid-19 came in August, when Google Cloud partnered with Harvard’s Global Health Institute to provide “Covid-19 Public Forecasts,” which “provide a projection of Covid-19 cases, deaths, and other metrics over the next 14 days for US counties and states.” The announcement of the Google-Harvard collaboration coincided with an announcement from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) would begin “harness[ing] AI for COVID-19 diagnosis, treatment, and monitoring.” Notably, other tech companies that have produced “predictive diagnosis” AI models for Covid-19 also began first by offering AI-created “forecasts” of “likely” Covid-19 outbreaks. For instance, the Israeli intelligence–linked Diagnostic Robotics initially offered AI-driven predictive “forecasts” of cities and districts to guide lockdown policy in Israel and the US state of Rhode Island before then teaming up with the US-based company Salesforce to develop a platform that uses AI to “predict” which individuals are likely to be diagnosed with Covid-19 and then uses AI to monitor and even “treat” those individuals. Furthermore, in partnership with researchers at Mount Sinai healthcare centers in New York, tech giant Microsoft has already aided the development of an AI algorithm that “rapidly diagnoses” Covid-19. Mount Sinai’s AI model, supported by a recent grant from Microsoft’s “AI for Health” initiative, “was as accurate as an experienced radiologist in diagnosing the disease,” according to one of the lead researchers behind the model’s development. While its development was aided by Microsoft, the core of the Mount Sinai AI model is TensorFlow, which was developed by Google and is Google AI’s second-generation system for machine learning. In addition, both Google and Microsoft are part of a Europe-based effort aimed at “automating diagnoses” for Covid-19 via an AI algorithm that analyzes CT scans, which is similar in several ways to the Mount Sinai AI model. Thus, it seems highly likely that Google’s efforts to offer AI-powered “predictive diagnoses” will soon expand to include tools that use algorithms to diagnose Covid-19, not just cancer. The Merging of the Pentagon, the CIA, and Silicon Valley Established in 2015, the Defense Innovation Unit of the Department of Defense officially exists to transfer “leading-edge commercial capabilities to the military faster and more cost-effectively than traditional defense acquisition methods” and to accelerate “the adoption of commercial technology throughout the military and [grow] the national security innovation base.” As the DIU makes clear on its website, the “national security innovation base” it seeks to “grow” consists of private tech companies, namely those based in Silicon Valley, that provide “advanced commercial solutions” to “national security challenges.” This, of course, includes the tech companies that already double as contractors for the national security state, such as Google, Microsoft, and Amazon, among numerous others.
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GMOs As A Corporate Control Tactic May 29, 2016 It's impossible to talk about GMO ethics without considering how corporations like Monsanto use GMOs as means of control. Here’s the industry spin: the GMO labeling debate boils down to whether or not GMOS (presumably, all of them – from GMO corn to GMO mosquitoes to GMO salmon) are “safe.” Safe to eat, safe to live around, safe to widely distribute. A pretty complicated question itself, especially in the United States, where inadequate regulation means wildly different standards for approving different GMO products. This is one reason why we need labeling of GMO foods. But safety issues are just the tip of the iceberg. Consumer rights, state rights and the overuse of “probably carcinogenic” pesticides like Roundup are all crucial aspects in this debate. They go hand in hand with the massive consolidation within the food industry and a lack of choice at the grocery store. When biotech companies like Monsanto, Dow, Dupont and Syngenta create GMO seeds, they’re also creating entire systems of food production. By creating a suite of products designed to work together – seeds for crops engineered to withstand Roundup, a probably human carcinogen, for example – they’re able to control the entire farming cycle and block out competition. Not only that, but the explosion of herbicide-resistant seeds has given way to herbicide-resistant weeds, fueling the growth of “superweeds” and ensuring that farmers must continue to buy increasingly harsh chemicals, often from the same company, to compensate. Beyond this, seed options are slim. In 2009 in the United States, 93 percent of soybeans and 80 percent of corn were grown with seeds containing Monsanto-patented genetics. Choice becomes increasingly illusory as mega-mergers become more common –Monsanto may soon merge with Bayer, and a Dow-Dupont merger was announced and remains on the table. (Agricultural chemical giant ChemChina is also in the process of acquiring Syngenta, for a cool $43 billion). And the dominance of GMOs makes things harder for those who go organic, since organic and non-GMO farmers have to spend time and money to prevent GMO contamination of their fields by crops from nearby farms. Take action to block the Dow-Dupont Merger Meanwhile, the power and influence of these huge corporations have spread beyond the agriculture industry to political campaigns and regulatory processes around the world. Mounting allegations of scientific censorship at the USDA point to the agency making decisions to appease companies like Monsanto. And in 2010, we found that top food and agricultural biotechnology interests spent more than half a billion dollars lobbying Congress between 1999 and 2009 and more than $22 million in campaign contributions. Agrichemical heavyweights are spending millions to make it hard for us to know if GMOs are in our food. And if we don’t know where our food is coming from, we don’t know how little choice we have about what we eat – or what chemicals are being used to grow it.
14 views · May 3rd
John Magufuli: Death of an African Freedom Fighter, Confronted Big Pharma and the Corrupt Covid Cabal March 24, 2021 In the Western world, African leaders are invisible, until that is, they draw the ire of the Globalati, the Pandemic Curia, the WHO, and its Virus-obsessed Media. On Wednesday March 17, the queasy, seemingly unreal news broke out of Tanzania: “We have lost our courageous leader, President John Magufuli, who has died from a heart illness,” said Tanzanian Vice President Samia Suluhu Hassan, in a television broadcast that shocked the world and revealed the new Covid-Colonial order in no uncertain terms: No matter what Magufuli may have achieved for Tanzania, trying, for example, to protect her from Covid’s economic ravages, his “denialism” meant that the world, including Tanzania, was better off without him. So much for Black Lives Matter—none of its pieties would apply to Africa’s economic liberators. Everybody in the Covid trenches felt the shock death to be connected to Magufuli’s provocation to the global Covid industrial complex last May, when he covertly had non-human samples—from fruits, goats, sheep, and car oil—tested for Covid on the PCR test, returning positive results from a paw-paw, a quail, and a goat. With humor, cheek, and audacity, Magufuli had crossed a line—exposing the fraud and illegitimacy of the PCR testing apparatus that the WHO relied on to justify the global lockdown, the terror, and the vaccine rollouts. After the disturbing results came in, Magufuli suspended the head of Tanzania’s National Health Laboratory, Nyambura Moremi, and formed a 10-person investigative committee. The EU had given Tanzania 27 million Euros to impose strict Covid lockdown measures, but along with the Presidents of Belarus and Burundi, Magufuli kicked the WHO out of his country. It is no mystery why Dr. Magufuli took on the absurdity of using PCR as a frightening tool for a (putative) Corona virus. Magufuli earned his bachelor of science in education degree, majoring in chemistry and mathematics as teaching subjects from the University of Dar es Salaam in 1988 and subsequently earned masters and doctoral degrees in chemistry, again from the University of Dar es Salaam, in 1994 and 2009, respectively. In late 2019, he was awarded an honorary doctorate by the University of Dodoma for improving the economy of the country. In addition, he’d declared that vaccines didn’t work and were dangerous, while keeping Tanzania open for business and refusing to adhere to either social distancing or masks. Meanwhile, as though bearing out the notion that Covid only becomes a problem when a country bows to its dictates, Tanzania turned up next to no “cases” or deaths from Covid. As of March 18, the official numbers, according to Our World In Statistics were: 509 cases, 183 recovered, and 21 deaths, since Jan. 22, 2020. On Twitter, some of his extraordinary achievements, totally absent from media reports, began to emerge: “Magufuli will be remembered for these top 4 things: 1. Moved Tanzania to a middle income country in a single term. 2. Built Africa’s best electric railway, which is still a dream in the USA. 3. Slaughtered corruption and plundering of TZ resources. 4. Downplayed Covid-19 “His death is a win for imperialists who will stop at nothing until they control Africa. He was a true leader who had the interests of his people at heart.” — Generational Youth Talks “You have to be Tanzanian to understand how great Magufuli was.” — Protas Manunited “He was very unique in decision making. Now we go back to stealing minerals.” — Mwesiga Credius Magufuli—who fought corruption and foreign bribes—rejected a $10 billion loan from China, banned Government officials from foreign trips, and radically cut back both the size of his cabinet, their salaries, and his own salary. It was reported that in 2019, according to Tweeter “Blacks Region,” China offered to give Tanzania a loan to expand Dar es Salaam’s port if they agreed to have no construction of a new port, have the Chinese run the port for 30 years, and provide the Chinese a 99-year lease. “President Magufuli refused, saying only a madman would sign that.” He also fought foreign gold mines and accused them of extensive criminal corruption. Reuters reported in 2017: “Tanzanian President John Magufuli has said he will close all the mines if mining companies delay negotiations to resolve a dispute over billions of dollars in back taxes which the government say they owe.” Magufuli himself tweeted on July 1, 2020, that the World Bank had declared Tanzania a “middle income country,” a full five years ahead of the projected schedule. “GOD BLESS TANZANIA,” he wrote. None of this warmed him to the United States, which issued a condescending statement, reasserting that we are now the United States of Covid and Political Correctness: We offered our condolences to Tanzanians, “…as they advocate for respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and work to combat the Covid-19 pandemic. We hope that Tanzania can move forward on a democratic and prosperous path.” The frosty statement seemed to suggest that Magufuli had done none of the above, but that it would all be achieved now that he was out of the way. What right do we have to condemn the late Magufuli’s Covid “denialism” when they show 21 deaths and we report over 500,000? (A false number through and through.) Maybe “Covid denialism” is the best policy ever? Maybe, like Goethe’s Forest King, it only kills if you’re afraid of it and believe in it. Certainly, Magufuli’s death was unexpected. The Tanzanian anti-corruption populist, nicknamed “the bulldozer,” seemed the very picture of health. Yet he’d not been seen since Feb. 27, creating a lot of innuendo and predictive programming from his foes that he was hidden away somewhere, dying of Covid. The idea that he’d died of a heart condition, while being treated in a hospital for it, also seemed far-fetched, for such a relatively young and energetic leader. If this was true, that Magufuli’s heart had given out, it’s impossible to underestimate how many sworn enemies of his radical, unapologetic, anti-globalist economic policies were thanking their lucky stars, some of them openly. Tanzanians, meanwhile, wailed, cried, and screamed as the body of their beloved leader was driven through Dar es Salaam to lay in state. You’d never have a clue Magufuli was loved in his country at all if you only looked at Western media headlines, consistent in their icy Covid-Imperial tone—projecting that Magufuli was rightfully swept away by the very “virus” he “denied” while alive. None of the corporate media outlets—not one—quoted Vice President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s statement that President Magufuli had died of a heart condition. It was as if that particular international event did not occur—as if the story’s spin was coordinated and pre-written, which should surprise none of us. Magufuli’s “paw-paw” video went viral on social media, among the ever-growing ranks of Covid “skeptics,” who’d understood that the PCR test, which its inventor Kary Mullis always stressed was not designed to identify “infection” with a virus, but could take any single molecule, and mass-amplify it, as one can cast shadows on a wall and make them appear fearsome. Kenyan attorney, scholar, and former Director of Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission Patrick Lumumba is a great admirer of Magufuli. After a sit-down meeting with Magufuli, he coined a new verb: “To magulify.” He explained: “What is ‘to magulify’? To magulify, which we will not find in the English dictionary but I hope it will find a place in the next issue of the dictionary…is to create an environment where resources are used efficiently, to create an environment where leadership is disciplined, and to serve one’s country with dedication and in the spirit of patriotism. When you say and do that, then, you have been magulified.” May his eternal spirit protect Tanzania from the worthless PCR test, from Covid terror, lockdown, and all the internationally sanctioned plunders Magufuli gave his life to keep at bay. https://thewarsan.com/john-magufuli-death-of-an-african-freedom-fighter-confronted-big-pharma-and-the-corrupt-covid-cabal/ https://www.globalresearch.ca/john-magufuli-death-african-freedom-fighter/5740438
13 views · May 3rd
Xinjiang Shakedown: US anti-China lobby cashed in on ‘Forced Labor’ campaign that cost Uyghur workers their jobs April 30, 2021 A campaign against supposed forced labor in Xinjiang has forced Uyghur workers out of their jobs while extracting a handsome payout from a US apparel company to Uyghur exile groups lobbying against China. A self-described “worker rights organization” in Washington, DC called the Worker Rights Consortium has helped direct a “Coalition to End Forced Labour in the Uyghur Region” that has successfully pressured US apparel companies to leave the Xinjiang region of China. Claiming to represent “over 100 civil society organisations and labour unions from around the world,” the coalition appears bound together by a shared hostility to China’s communist-led government. Besides the Worker Rights Consortium (WRC), coalition steering committee members include the AFL-CIO labor federation, Uyghur exile organizations based in Washington DC, and Hong Kong-based separatist activists. Behind the scenes, the coalition has received assistance from the widely cited Xinjiang researcher Adrian Zenz, of the right-wing Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation. The coalition’s initiative scored its first success when it forced a college sportswear company called Badger Sportswear to abandon its factory in Xinjiang. University campuses across the US began to boycott Badger products in December 2018 as the allegations of “forced labor” first reached national media. Within weeks, Badger formally cut ties with the Hetian Taida factory in Xinjiang, which was accused by the WRC-led coalition of employing Uyghur detainees. While the Chinese government slammed Badger’s decision as “pathetic” and “based on wrong information,” its opponents in Washington took a victory lap. Instead of remediating the Uyghur workers that suddenly found themselves jobless, however, WRC compelled Badger to pay $300,000 to Uyghur exile organizations lobbying for a more hostile US policy towards China. According to WRC documents, those organizations were selected by Human Rights Watch, a billionaire-backed advocacy group that is openly committed to undermining China’s government. In internal memos, WRC leadership acknowledged that the payout did not represent proper remediation “from a worker rights perspective.” Since the US government initiated its policy of “great power competition” against China in 2018, it has focused intensely on the resource-rich, strategically located Western autonomous region of Xinjiang, the site of China’s alleged mistreatment of its Uyghur Muslim population. Determined to undermine China’s economic rise, the Trump and Biden administrations have accused Beijing of everything from the mass internment of Uyghurs to coerced sterilization and genocide. The charge of forced labor has caused the most material damage, with numerous US clothing companies pledging to boycott factories in the Xinjiang and reject cotton sourced from the area. Each allegation Washington has leveled against Beijing has relied almost entirely on an echo chamber of sources funded and coordinated by the US government. This same US-backed network not only supplied the WRC with the basis for its campaign against Badger Sport; it formed the backbone of the supposedly grassroots coalition against “forced labor.” Indeed, many of the organizations on the steering committee of the Coalition to End Forced Labour in the Uyghur Region have one funder in common: the National Endowment for Democracy, or NED. In the words of one of the NED’s founders, the organization was created by the US government to “do today [what] was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA.” That has meant quietly funding civil society and media outlets to destabilize states where the US seeks regime change. WRC director Scott Nova would not respond to questions about whether or not its Xinjiang “forced labor” campaign was underwritten by a NED-backed organization. Whoever sponsored the WRC’s advocacy, its outcome raises questions about the moral concerns that US human rights NGOs have expressed for Uyghur workers inside China. Rather than directly assisting the supposed victims of Chinese government abuses, self-proclaimed human rights groups appear to be eliminating their jobs in droves on the basis of dubious allegations – and at least in one case, shaking down their former employers for a lucrative payout. Constructing a crisis and cashing in The Worker Rights Consortium’s campaign to pressure businesses to disinvest from Xinjiang began in December 2018, just as the US State Department started formally accusing China of subjecting Uyghur Muslims in the region to forced labor and mass internment. Its initiative appeared to have been coordinated with an interlocking network of advocacy groups, corporate media outlets, and US government interests dedicated to containing China. A December 17 AP article alleging that the Hetian Taida Apparel factory in Xinjiang was the site of forced labor provided the impetus for the WRC campaign. The AP homed in on Badger Sport, a North Carolina-based clothing manufacturer that produced sportswear out of the factory. One day later, in what appeared to be a coordinated action, WRC Executive Director Scott Nova fired off a lengthy press release calling for Badger Sport to leave Xinjiang. As with most US mainstream media reports alleging Chinese government abuses in Xinjiang, the AP relied entirely on partisan sources outside the country. To paint Hetian Taida as a de facto slave camp, the AP turned to testimony by Uyghur exiles in Kazakhstan and Google Earth analysis of the factory by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, a right-wing think tank funded by the US State Department, the Australian Ministry of Defense, and several arms manufacturers. Articles alleging forced labor in Xinjiang by the New York Times and the Financial Times appeared the same week as the AP’s report, and also relied largely on analysis by ASPI, as well testimony gathered in Kazakhstan by an exile organization called Atajurt. Among the Uyghurs interviewed by the AP about allegations of forced labor in Xinjiang was Rushan Abbas, whom it identified simply as “a Uighur in Washington, D.C.” In fact, Abbas was the director of the Campaign For Uyghurs, a major separatist organization funded by the US government which lobbies aggressively for sanctions on China. A former translator at the Guantanamo Bay detention center, Abbas has boasted in her bio of “extensive experience working with US government agencies, including Homeland Security, Department of Defense, Department of State, and various US intelligence agencies.” In June 2019, the WRC issued a 37-page paper accusing Badger of profiting from supposedly forced labor in the Hetian Taida factory in Xinjiang. The document was comprised largely of claims by a tightly coordinated network of US-backed Uyghur activists, US state media outlets, US-funded think tank pundits, and Human Rights Watch – the same virulently anti-China elements that shape Western media’s coverage of Xinjiang.
7 views · May 3rd

More from Progressive Truth Seekers

GMOs As A Corporate Control Tactic May 29, 2016 It's impossible to talk about GMO ethics without considering how corporations like Monsanto use GMOs as means of control. Here’s the industry spin: the GMO labeling debate boils down to whether or not GMOS (presumably, all of them – from GMO corn to GMO mosquitoes to GMO salmon) are “safe.” Safe to eat, safe to live around, safe to widely distribute. A pretty complicated question itself, especially in the United States, where inadequate regulation means wildly different standards for approving different GMO products. This is one reason why we need labeling of GMO foods. But safety issues are just the tip of the iceberg. Consumer rights, state rights and the overuse of “probably carcinogenic” pesticides like Roundup are all crucial aspects in this debate. They go hand in hand with the massive consolidation within the food industry and a lack of choice at the grocery store. When biotech companies like Monsanto, Dow, Dupont and Syngenta create GMO seeds, they’re also creating entire systems of food production. By creating a suite of products designed to work together – seeds for crops engineered to withstand Roundup, a probably human carcinogen, for example – they’re able to control the entire farming cycle and block out competition. Not only that, but the explosion of herbicide-resistant seeds has given way to herbicide-resistant weeds, fueling the growth of “superweeds” and ensuring that farmers must continue to buy increasingly harsh chemicals, often from the same company, to compensate. Beyond this, seed options are slim. In 2009 in the United States, 93 percent of soybeans and 80 percent of corn were grown with seeds containing Monsanto-patented genetics. Choice becomes increasingly illusory as mega-mergers become more common –Monsanto may soon merge with Bayer, and a Dow-Dupont merger was announced and remains on the table. (Agricultural chemical giant ChemChina is also in the process of acquiring Syngenta, for a cool $43 billion). And the dominance of GMOs makes things harder for those who go organic, since organic and non-GMO farmers have to spend time and money to prevent GMO contamination of their fields by crops from nearby farms. Take action to block the Dow-Dupont Merger Meanwhile, the power and influence of these huge corporations have spread beyond the agriculture industry to political campaigns and regulatory processes around the world. Mounting allegations of scientific censorship at the USDA point to the agency making decisions to appease companies like Monsanto. And in 2010, we found that top food and agricultural biotechnology interests spent more than half a billion dollars lobbying Congress between 1999 and 2009 and more than $22 million in campaign contributions. Agrichemical heavyweights are spending millions to make it hard for us to know if GMOs are in our food. And if we don’t know where our food is coming from, we don’t know how little choice we have about what we eat – or what chemicals are being used to grow it.
14 views · May 3rd
John Magufuli: Death of an African Freedom Fighter, Confronted Big Pharma and the Corrupt Covid Cabal March 24, 2021 In the Western world, African leaders are invisible, until that is, they draw the ire of the Globalati, the Pandemic Curia, the WHO, and its Virus-obsessed Media. On Wednesday March 17, the queasy, seemingly unreal news broke out of Tanzania: “We have lost our courageous leader, President John Magufuli, who has died from a heart illness,” said Tanzanian Vice President Samia Suluhu Hassan, in a television broadcast that shocked the world and revealed the new Covid-Colonial order in no uncertain terms: No matter what Magufuli may have achieved for Tanzania, trying, for example, to protect her from Covid’s economic ravages, his “denialism” meant that the world, including Tanzania, was better off without him. So much for Black Lives Matter—none of its pieties would apply to Africa’s economic liberators. Everybody in the Covid trenches felt the shock death to be connected to Magufuli’s provocation to the global Covid industrial complex last May, when he covertly had non-human samples—from fruits, goats, sheep, and car oil—tested for Covid on the PCR test, returning positive results from a paw-paw, a quail, and a goat. With humor, cheek, and audacity, Magufuli had crossed a line—exposing the fraud and illegitimacy of the PCR testing apparatus that the WHO relied on to justify the global lockdown, the terror, and the vaccine rollouts. After the disturbing results came in, Magufuli suspended the head of Tanzania’s National Health Laboratory, Nyambura Moremi, and formed a 10-person investigative committee. The EU had given Tanzania 27 million Euros to impose strict Covid lockdown measures, but along with the Presidents of Belarus and Burundi, Magufuli kicked the WHO out of his country. It is no mystery why Dr. Magufuli took on the absurdity of using PCR as a frightening tool for a (putative) Corona virus. Magufuli earned his bachelor of science in education degree, majoring in chemistry and mathematics as teaching subjects from the University of Dar es Salaam in 1988 and subsequently earned masters and doctoral degrees in chemistry, again from the University of Dar es Salaam, in 1994 and 2009, respectively. In late 2019, he was awarded an honorary doctorate by the University of Dodoma for improving the economy of the country. In addition, he’d declared that vaccines didn’t work and were dangerous, while keeping Tanzania open for business and refusing to adhere to either social distancing or masks. Meanwhile, as though bearing out the notion that Covid only becomes a problem when a country bows to its dictates, Tanzania turned up next to no “cases” or deaths from Covid. As of March 18, the official numbers, according to Our World In Statistics were: 509 cases, 183 recovered, and 21 deaths, since Jan. 22, 2020. On Twitter, some of his extraordinary achievements, totally absent from media reports, began to emerge: “Magufuli will be remembered for these top 4 things: 1. Moved Tanzania to a middle income country in a single term. 2. Built Africa’s best electric railway, which is still a dream in the USA. 3. Slaughtered corruption and plundering of TZ resources. 4. Downplayed Covid-19 “His death is a win for imperialists who will stop at nothing until they control Africa. He was a true leader who had the interests of his people at heart.” — Generational Youth Talks “You have to be Tanzanian to understand how great Magufuli was.” — Protas Manunited “He was very unique in decision making. Now we go back to stealing minerals.” — Mwesiga Credius Magufuli—who fought corruption and foreign bribes—rejected a $10 billion loan from China, banned Government officials from foreign trips, and radically cut back both the size of his cabinet, their salaries, and his own salary. It was reported that in 2019, according to Tweeter “Blacks Region,” China offered to give Tanzania a loan to expand Dar es Salaam’s port if they agreed to have no construction of a new port, have the Chinese run the port for 30 years, and provide the Chinese a 99-year lease. “President Magufuli refused, saying only a madman would sign that.” He also fought foreign gold mines and accused them of extensive criminal corruption. Reuters reported in 2017: “Tanzanian President John Magufuli has said he will close all the mines if mining companies delay negotiations to resolve a dispute over billions of dollars in back taxes which the government say they owe.” Magufuli himself tweeted on July 1, 2020, that the World Bank had declared Tanzania a “middle income country,” a full five years ahead of the projected schedule. “GOD BLESS TANZANIA,” he wrote. None of this warmed him to the United States, which issued a condescending statement, reasserting that we are now the United States of Covid and Political Correctness: We offered our condolences to Tanzanians, “…as they advocate for respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and work to combat the Covid-19 pandemic. We hope that Tanzania can move forward on a democratic and prosperous path.” The frosty statement seemed to suggest that Magufuli had done none of the above, but that it would all be achieved now that he was out of the way. What right do we have to condemn the late Magufuli’s Covid “denialism” when they show 21 deaths and we report over 500,000? (A false number through and through.) Maybe “Covid denialism” is the best policy ever? Maybe, like Goethe’s Forest King, it only kills if you’re afraid of it and believe in it. Certainly, Magufuli’s death was unexpected. The Tanzanian anti-corruption populist, nicknamed “the bulldozer,” seemed the very picture of health. Yet he’d not been seen since Feb. 27, creating a lot of innuendo and predictive programming from his foes that he was hidden away somewhere, dying of Covid. The idea that he’d died of a heart condition, while being treated in a hospital for it, also seemed far-fetched, for such a relatively young and energetic leader. If this was true, that Magufuli’s heart had given out, it’s impossible to underestimate how many sworn enemies of his radical, unapologetic, anti-globalist economic policies were thanking their lucky stars, some of them openly. Tanzanians, meanwhile, wailed, cried, and screamed as the body of their beloved leader was driven through Dar es Salaam to lay in state. You’d never have a clue Magufuli was loved in his country at all if you only looked at Western media headlines, consistent in their icy Covid-Imperial tone—projecting that Magufuli was rightfully swept away by the very “virus” he “denied” while alive. None of the corporate media outlets—not one—quoted Vice President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s statement that President Magufuli had died of a heart condition. It was as if that particular international event did not occur—as if the story’s spin was coordinated and pre-written, which should surprise none of us. Magufuli’s “paw-paw” video went viral on social media, among the ever-growing ranks of Covid “skeptics,” who’d understood that the PCR test, which its inventor Kary Mullis always stressed was not designed to identify “infection” with a virus, but could take any single molecule, and mass-amplify it, as one can cast shadows on a wall and make them appear fearsome. Kenyan attorney, scholar, and former Director of Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission Patrick Lumumba is a great admirer of Magufuli. After a sit-down meeting with Magufuli, he coined a new verb: “To magulify.” He explained: “What is ‘to magulify’? To magulify, which we will not find in the English dictionary but I hope it will find a place in the next issue of the dictionary…is to create an environment where resources are used efficiently, to create an environment where leadership is disciplined, and to serve one’s country with dedication and in the spirit of patriotism. When you say and do that, then, you have been magulified.” May his eternal spirit protect Tanzania from the worthless PCR test, from Covid terror, lockdown, and all the internationally sanctioned plunders Magufuli gave his life to keep at bay. https://thewarsan.com/john-magufuli-death-of-an-african-freedom-fighter-confronted-big-pharma-and-the-corrupt-covid-cabal/ https://www.globalresearch.ca/john-magufuli-death-african-freedom-fighter/5740438
13 views · May 3rd
Xinjiang Shakedown: US anti-China lobby cashed in on ‘Forced Labor’ campaign that cost Uyghur workers their jobs April 30, 2021 A campaign against supposed forced labor in Xinjiang has forced Uyghur workers out of their jobs while extracting a handsome payout from a US apparel company to Uyghur exile groups lobbying against China. A self-described “worker rights organization” in Washington, DC called the Worker Rights Consortium has helped direct a “Coalition to End Forced Labour in the Uyghur Region” that has successfully pressured US apparel companies to leave the Xinjiang region of China. Claiming to represent “over 100 civil society organisations and labour unions from around the world,” the coalition appears bound together by a shared hostility to China’s communist-led government. Besides the Worker Rights Consortium (WRC), coalition steering committee members include the AFL-CIO labor federation, Uyghur exile organizations based in Washington DC, and Hong Kong-based separatist activists. Behind the scenes, the coalition has received assistance from the widely cited Xinjiang researcher Adrian Zenz, of the right-wing Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation. The coalition’s initiative scored its first success when it forced a college sportswear company called Badger Sportswear to abandon its factory in Xinjiang. University campuses across the US began to boycott Badger products in December 2018 as the allegations of “forced labor” first reached national media. Within weeks, Badger formally cut ties with the Hetian Taida factory in Xinjiang, which was accused by the WRC-led coalition of employing Uyghur detainees. While the Chinese government slammed Badger’s decision as “pathetic” and “based on wrong information,” its opponents in Washington took a victory lap. Instead of remediating the Uyghur workers that suddenly found themselves jobless, however, WRC compelled Badger to pay $300,000 to Uyghur exile organizations lobbying for a more hostile US policy towards China. According to WRC documents, those organizations were selected by Human Rights Watch, a billionaire-backed advocacy group that is openly committed to undermining China’s government. In internal memos, WRC leadership acknowledged that the payout did not represent proper remediation “from a worker rights perspective.” Since the US government initiated its policy of “great power competition” against China in 2018, it has focused intensely on the resource-rich, strategically located Western autonomous region of Xinjiang, the site of China’s alleged mistreatment of its Uyghur Muslim population. Determined to undermine China’s economic rise, the Trump and Biden administrations have accused Beijing of everything from the mass internment of Uyghurs to coerced sterilization and genocide. The charge of forced labor has caused the most material damage, with numerous US clothing companies pledging to boycott factories in the Xinjiang and reject cotton sourced from the area. Each allegation Washington has leveled against Beijing has relied almost entirely on an echo chamber of sources funded and coordinated by the US government. This same US-backed network not only supplied the WRC with the basis for its campaign against Badger Sport; it formed the backbone of the supposedly grassroots coalition against “forced labor.” Indeed, many of the organizations on the steering committee of the Coalition to End Forced Labour in the Uyghur Region have one funder in common: the National Endowment for Democracy, or NED. In the words of one of the NED’s founders, the organization was created by the US government to “do today [what] was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA.” That has meant quietly funding civil society and media outlets to destabilize states where the US seeks regime change. WRC director Scott Nova would not respond to questions about whether or not its Xinjiang “forced labor” campaign was underwritten by a NED-backed organization. Whoever sponsored the WRC’s advocacy, its outcome raises questions about the moral concerns that US human rights NGOs have expressed for Uyghur workers inside China. Rather than directly assisting the supposed victims of Chinese government abuses, self-proclaimed human rights groups appear to be eliminating their jobs in droves on the basis of dubious allegations – and at least in one case, shaking down their former employers for a lucrative payout. Constructing a crisis and cashing in The Worker Rights Consortium’s campaign to pressure businesses to disinvest from Xinjiang began in December 2018, just as the US State Department started formally accusing China of subjecting Uyghur Muslims in the region to forced labor and mass internment. Its initiative appeared to have been coordinated with an interlocking network of advocacy groups, corporate media outlets, and US government interests dedicated to containing China. A December 17 AP article alleging that the Hetian Taida Apparel factory in Xinjiang was the site of forced labor provided the impetus for the WRC campaign. The AP homed in on Badger Sport, a North Carolina-based clothing manufacturer that produced sportswear out of the factory. One day later, in what appeared to be a coordinated action, WRC Executive Director Scott Nova fired off a lengthy press release calling for Badger Sport to leave Xinjiang. As with most US mainstream media reports alleging Chinese government abuses in Xinjiang, the AP relied entirely on partisan sources outside the country. To paint Hetian Taida as a de facto slave camp, the AP turned to testimony by Uyghur exiles in Kazakhstan and Google Earth analysis of the factory by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, a right-wing think tank funded by the US State Department, the Australian Ministry of Defense, and several arms manufacturers. Articles alleging forced labor in Xinjiang by the New York Times and the Financial Times appeared the same week as the AP’s report, and also relied largely on analysis by ASPI, as well testimony gathered in Kazakhstan by an exile organization called Atajurt. Among the Uyghurs interviewed by the AP about allegations of forced labor in Xinjiang was Rushan Abbas, whom it identified simply as “a Uighur in Washington, D.C.” In fact, Abbas was the director of the Campaign For Uyghurs, a major separatist organization funded by the US government which lobbies aggressively for sanctions on China. A former translator at the Guantanamo Bay detention center, Abbas has boasted in her bio of “extensive experience working with US government agencies, including Homeland Security, Department of Defense, Department of State, and various US intelligence agencies.” In June 2019, the WRC issued a 37-page paper accusing Badger of profiting from supposedly forced labor in the Hetian Taida factory in Xinjiang. The document was comprised largely of claims by a tightly coordinated network of US-backed Uyghur activists, US state media outlets, US-funded think tank pundits, and Human Rights Watch – the same virulently anti-China elements that shape Western media’s coverage of Xinjiang.
7 views · May 3rd